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26 octobre 2016 3 26 /10 /octobre /2016 14:36

Summary

 

The paper starts by presenting a historical overview of Moroccan feminism. 

 

This panorama shows how this feminism was first a response to what i called « Colonial Feminism » and linked paradoxically to two male authors, Allal Al Fassi (Annaqd addati, 1952) and Driss Chraibi (who so that Islam is patriarchal in itself in « The simple past », 1954). After independence, Moroccan feminism becomes a state feminism between 1957 and 1969 with the promulgation of “Personal Status Code”. Since the 1970s until now, Moroccan feminism expressed itself through female sections of political parties before becoming independent as feminist NGOs.

 

The main rupture was done at 1974 by USFP when it moved from equity paradigm (for each sex different rights as recognized by Islam) to gender/equality paradigm. This important move means that female islamic traditional rights are insufficient in a modern society for a modern women, that is to say that legal gender equality should be admitted through a secularization or ijtihad (within Islam).  

 

The transition toward egalitarian feminism was mainly achieved during the battle of PSC reform between feminists and islamists (from 1990 to 2004). This battle highlights the islamist resistance to a complete egalitarian family code and to a complete and correct implementation of the feminist “Family Code” conquered by feminist NGOs.

 

The battle between feminists and islamists continues about article 19 of the Constitution of 2011. The article, while stipulating the total gender equality, states that this equality must respect the laws and constants of the kingdom, namely the Islamic laws (as if they were above the Constitution). 

 

Article 19 also stipulates the creation of a “Authority for Parity and for struggle against all kinds of discrimnation”. Around skills and composition of that « Authority", as well as around the law against “Gender Based Violence” (and around the reform of “Criminal Code” in order to better protect women), the battle is intense. It became more intense since 2012 because Moroccan government started to be led by an islamist party. And especially because of the fact that ministry of family and woman is led by an islamist woman who is obliged to conciliate between her political convictions (no gender equality according to PJD, her party) and the Moroccan state’s ratification of CEDAW (without any reservation since 2011). 

 

Moroccan feminism still also has the battle of political parity in order to insure a better participation of women in the parliament. The feminist claim is to obtain a quota of 33%.

 

The Islamist resistance to gender equality is now done from the exercise of power, in the name of a state that ratified all international conventions and treaties regarding gender equality. The last battle deals with gender equality in inheritance, the last feminist claim, the issue of the supreme islamic/islamist resistance.

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