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2 décembre 2014 2 02 /12 /décembre /2014 23:15

J'ai présenté cette communication le 29 novembre 2014 au Forum thématique "Liberté de conscience" (2ème Forum Mondial des Droits Humains, Marrakech, 26-30 novembre 2014).

Trois postulats

Postulat 1 : si la famille est au service de la religion, si elle est le cadre premier de sa transmission intergénérationnelle, si l’école publique est elle aussi, et dans beaucoup de cas, au service de la religion officielle et dominante, la réforme du système d’enseignement exige de renverser cet ordre, de mettre toutes les religions au service de l’école publique en y puisant les valeurs de la tolérance et de la solidarité. En fait, la liberté de conscience est la condition de possibilité d’une école publique équitable et égalitaire.

Postulat 2 : dans les pays démocratiques où le pouvoir ne puise pas sa légitimité dans la religion, la majorité confessionnelle (au sens démographique) n’a pas le droit de mettre l’enseignement public à son service. Quand elle le fait, elle se transforme en majorité politique de fait dans un système non démocratique qui s’oppose à l’égalité des citoyens, à la notion même de citoyen. Les croyants de la confession dominante (statistiquement et politiquement) sont les seuls et véritables sujets de Dieu tandis que les autres croyants (des autres confessions) occupent, dans le meilleur des cas, des positions subalternes et voient leur religion occultée dans l’enseignement public.

Postulat 3 : l’école est une, pareille à elle-même, l’espace universel de la transmission du savoir scientifique et des valeurs humanistes (égalité, démocratie) tandis que la religion est plurielle, différentielle, particulariste, identitaire, prosélyte, combattante, meurtrière…

Deux camps

Ces trois postulats permettent d’affirmer l’existence d’un conflit, à partir du XIXème siècle, entre le camp laïc et le camp religieux pour contrôler l’enseignement public.

Pour le camp conservateur, la continuité entre la famille (le privé) et l’école (publique) doit se continuer, mais cela signifie en dernière analyse que seule la confession majoritaire (dominante) retrouve sa place dominante dans l’école publique.

Pour le camp laïc, défenseur de la liberté de conscience, la séparation du religieux et du politique signifie la neutralité religieuse de l’école, c'est-à-dire le retrait de la religion de l’enseignement public. Celui-ci ne dispense pas d’éducation religieuse confessionnelle. Pour ce camp, l’enseignement confessionnel est à privatiser (et peut légitimement se transformer en fabrique du croyant). A l’opposé, l’enseignement public est à établir comme enseignement non confessionnel (qui fabrique le citoyen de la nation et où les croyances religieuses des enseignants et des élèves relèvent de l’ordre du privé).

Dans l’enseignement non confessionnel public, la fabrication du citoyen (maître de sa société et de son histoire) peut comporter une information sur les religions, mais ne peut admettre une éducation confessionnelle qui sert à produire un croyant (un sujet obéissant à un Dieu, peu importe lequel). En effet, dans l’école publique (non confessionnelle par définition), c’est le fait religieux qui est enseigné, exposé, expliqué, sans que l’école prenne parti pour telle ou telle religion, pour telle ou telle confession. Pour cela, le fait religieux est enseigné à travers une approche « sciences humaines et sociales », dans des cours sur l’histoire des religions, la sociologie des religions, l’économie des religions, la psychologie, des religions…

Une problématique

Que faire quand laïcité et confessionnalisme se retrouvent tous deux dans un système d’enseignement à la fois public et confessionnel comme celui du Maroc ? Un système qui veut fabriquer d’un seul coup le musulman sunnite malékite et le citoyen d’un état démocratique moderne. Un système qui veut fabriquer en même temps le sujet (esclave de Dieu et de ses représentants) et le citoyen (maître de son destin) au nom d’une constitution à référentiel double, islam et droits humains. Que faire face à ce système dualiste qui confond entre croyance et citoyenneté, qui fait de la croyance un élément fondamental de la citoyenneté ? Que faire face à ce non sens ? Car si la croyance renvoie à une communauté méta-nationale de croyants, la citoyenneté réfère à Etat- nation moderne. Comment concilier ?

Ma réponse

La réponse réside dans l’instauration de la liberté de l’enseignement. Dans ce cadre, permettez-moi de formuler les recommandations suivantes :

1-rendre facultative la matière de l’éducation religieuse dans l’école publique actuelle (car elle renvoie à une seule et unique confession). Au nom de quoi impose-t-on cette éducation confessionnelle à des élèves susceptibles d’avoir d’autres convictions religieuses et/ou confessionnelles) ou de ne pas en avoir du tout ? Le respect de la liberté de conscience exige, au minimum, que cette matière religieusement très partiale, devienne facultative ;

2- dispenser un savoir objectif (à travers les sciences humaines et sociales) sur toutes les religions, sur toutes les confessions sans prendre parti afin que l’école publique reste religieusement neutre et ne pense qu’à la fabrication du citoyen national ;

3- permettre à chaque confession de créer ses écoles confessionnelles en tant qu’écoles privées ;

4-contrôler le contenu de l’enseignement confessionnel privé de façon à ce qu’il ne contredise pas les acquis des sciences (théorie de l’évolution, biologie, astrophysique) ;

5- obliger l’enseignement confessionnel privé à a) fabriquer un croyant tolérant qui ne se définit pas comme le meilleur, devant dominer les autres, les convertir, les tuer, b) à mettre en avant des valeurs religieuses qui poussent au respect des autres religions, c) à favoriser une identité à la fois plurielle et solidaire, et non pas une identité prosélyte et combattante ;

6- fermer l’école confessionnelle chaque fois qu’elle devient un moyen de résistance identitaire et d’affirmation communautariste, un foyer de fanatisme ;

7- créer des écoles interconfessionnelles dans le système public où élèves de différentes confessions et de non confessions apprennent le vivre ensemble et à devenir citoyens d’une même nation ;

Conclusion

En un mot, aucune confession ne doit rester religion d’Etat, même si définir une société par une religion est possible. Le fait que la majorité des Marocains soient musulmans n’implique pas que l’islam doive rester religion d’Etat. De même, le fait que l’islam soit religion d’Etat n’impose pas à tous les Marocains de rester musulmans contre leur gré. La foi individuelle n’est pas le résultat de la loi ou de l’histoire, elle est le fruit d’un choix personnel, l’expression suprême de la liberté de conscience.

Par conséquent, et quel que soit le statut de l’islam dans l’Etat, il faut respecter la liberté religieuse, la liberté de ne professer aucune religion, et la liberté de refuser l’enseignement religieux. Pour cela, l’idéal serait de transformer les différentes confessions en associations, de les faire basculer toutes dans la société civile, de faire en sorte que toutes ne renvoient qu’à la société, et qu’aucune d’elle ne soit l’expression identitaire de l’Etat. C’est à ce prix que le système éducatif, toujours dépendant du politique (qui se doit d’être indépendant du religieux) peut jouer un rôle central dans la création d’une identité nationale plurale, multiethnique, multiculturelle et multi-religieuse.

Pour réaliser la liberté de conscience dans et par l’enseignement, le Maroc doit s’approcher dans un premier temps du modèle anglais du compromis: faire coexister écoles publiques non confessionnelles avec des écoles confessionnelles dans le système public. Dans un deuxième temps, il a à réaliser le modèle français de l’exclusion : laïciser complètement l’enseignement public, privatiser totalement l’enseignement confessionnel.

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11 juin 2014 3 11 /06 /juin /2014 13:30

Réponses d’Abdessamad à Géraldine

http://www.illionweb.com/affaire-brigade-moeurs-questions-abdessamad-dialmy/

1.Que pensez-vous de la féminisation de la brigade des moeurs de Marrakech dont la vocation officielle est de lutter contre la dégradation des moeurs via le tourisme sexuel?

Lutter contre la dégradation des moeurs est légitime, lutter contre le travail sexuel est légitime, lutter contre le tourisme sexuel est légitime. Peut-on réussir ce triple défi en féminisant la brigade des mœurs ? La police des mœurs n’existe-t-elle pas depuis longtemps au Maroc ? Qu’a-t-elle fait pour endiguer ce triple fléau ? Certains ne vont-ils pas jusqu’à l’accuser d’être complice du développement du travail et du tourisme sexuels qui sont de plus en plus organisés ? Cette brigade peut-elle à elle seule endiguer ces fléaux? La solution est-elle principalement répressive ? La répression au féminin serait-elle plus adéquate ? Féminiser cette brigade garantira-il plus d’efficacité et d’honnêteté ? Féminiser cette brigade renverrait-il à l’adoption d’une approche « genre » ? Serait-ce uniquement une ruse « naïve, de la part des policières de mœurs en civil, afin de détecter plus facilement les « criminelles d’incitation à la débauche» en faisant semblant de participer à leurs activités ? Signifie-t-il qu’au masculin, la brigade est incompétente, voire plus sujette à corruption ? Peut-on réussir le défi en ciblant le maquillage et la soi-disant impudeur vestimentaire des femmes sans aucune distinction entre les femmes qui se maquillent et qui s’habillent sexy ? N’est-ce pas là une manière de semer la poudre aux yeux, une manière de faire preuve d’une morale (patriarcale) d’Etat qui s’arrête à la superficie des choses?

Les pouvoirs publics assurent-ils une scolarité habilitante aux jeunes filles à travers une discrimination positive ? Leur assurent-ils un revenu minimum d’insertion qui leur permettrait de vivre dans un minimum de dignité citoyenne, en tant que citoyennes indépendantes? Leur inculquent-ils un féminisme basique qui les amène à rompre avec la dépendance économique à l’égard des hommes ? Etre entretenue par un mari ou par un amant, gagner sa vie en vendant des services sexuels à des clients divers, n’est-ce pas en fin d’analyse des situations équivalentes dans la mesure où elles traduisent toutes la domination économique masculine, c’est-à-dire la domination masculine tout court?

2. Pensez-vous que cela représente une atteinte aux libertés individuelles pour tous en général, et pour les femmes, en particulier?

Se faire belle, se maquiller, s’habiller sexy est un droit humain fondamental. Par conséquent, y porter atteinte, c’est porter atteinte à une liberté individuelle féminine irrépressible car elle va dans le sens de l’histoire. C’est également porter atteinte à la liberté des hommes qui aiment voir les femmes se maquiller et s’habiller sexy. C’est donc porter atteinte aux libertés individuelles indépendamment du sexe, du genre et de l’orientation sexuelle. Bien avant cette problématique des libertés individuelles, pour une femme, se faire belle vise à être attirante, ça traduit une volonté de séduction, d’un souci de soi d’abord : c’est d’abord une réponse naturelle à une demande narcissique de l’ego, féminin ici. Par conséquent, l’artifice des apparences séductrices n’est pas un indice de travail sexuel ou d’incitation à la débauche. Toutes les femmes en usent dans les espaces publics. C’est la modernité. C’est leur droit. Il est partie constitutive d’une féminité telle qu’elle est encore partiellement construite par le patriarcat. Au même titre que le voile qui renvoie également à une féminité fondamentalement construite par le même patriarcat. S’acheminerait-t-on vers un stade où le port du voile deviendrait obligatoire, cela ne mettra fin ni au travail sexuel ni à la construction patriarcale chosifiante de la féminité.

Pour conclure, affirmons que la séduction est un droit humain fondamental inaliénable et une base fondamentale de l’équilibre du moi. C’est dans les pays où l’habit sexy et le maquillage sont banalisés et non stigmatisés que la prostitution est moindre, que le respect d’autrui est observé, et que la (vraie) morale (citoyenne anti-patriarcale) est sauve. Ici, c’est une fausse morale hypocrite qui est là, affichée par les individus, par la collectivité et par certains pouvoirs publics pour tenter de masquer leur incompétence à arrêter la véritable débauche qui ronge le pays.

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19 avril 2014 6 19 /04 /avril /2014 13:10

تحيل صفة "الباحث" على "مهنة وليس على حرفة. فبما أن كل دكتور في الطب طبيب (وليس باحثا في الطب)، وبما أن كل دكتور في علم النفس عالم نفس (وليس أخصائيا نفسيا)، فإن كل دكتور في علم الاجتماع عالم اجتماع. تلك حرفته (أو صنعته). أما مهنهم جميعا، فهم أساتذة إن كانوا يدرسون في الجامعة، أو خبراء إن كانوا يعملون مع منظمات وطنية أو دولية تطلب منهم استشارة، أو باحثون إن كانوا موظفين في مراكز بحث. إن إلصاق صفة الباحث بعالم الاجتماع المغربي لوحده يميز الصحافة المغربية لوحدها. وهو تعسف يرجع لاستعمال المعنى اللغوي لكلمة بحث السائد لدى الصحافة المغربية. ألم يحن الوقت بعد لكي ترقى الصحافة المغربية إلى المعني الاصطلاحي لكلمة "بحث"، والتي تعني وجود هياكل ومؤسسات بحثية تضم دكاترة في كل العلوم يتخصصون كلهم في البحث، كل انطلاقا من حرفته/تخصصه؟

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19 avril 2014 6 19 /04 /avril /2014 11:24

هذا هو النص المصحح للحوار الذي نشرته يوم 19 أبريل 2014 جريدة "أخبار اليوم"، وطبعا وكعادتها لم تأخذ الجريدة بعين الاعتبار التصحيحات التي أدخلتها على النص المنشور، أي على النص المفرغ من الشريط المسجل.

هل يمكن أن نتحدث عن ظاهرة "الدعارة الرجالية" أو "الجيكولو" في المغرب؟

أولا، يجب أن نبين الفرق بين الجيكولو وبين العامل الجنسي، فالجيكولو هو الرجل الذي يعيش على عاتق امرأة واحدة تكون عادة أكبر منه سنا، وأغنى منه، وبالتالي فهو يلبي رغباتها الجنسية مقابل أن تنفق عليه لفترة طويلة. العلاقة بين الجيكولو والمرأة هي علاقة نفعية. وهي ليست نفس العلاقة بين العامل الجنسي والزبونة، حيث أنه يقضي مع هذه الأخيرة وقتا معينا يأخذ عليه أجرا، ثم يغير الزبونة.

ثانيا: مفهوم الظاهرة يعبر عن شيئين: أولا، عن شيء غير عادي، يلفت الانتباه، خارج عن القاعدة وعن العادات، شيء هامشي، مرضي، وغير سوي. المعنى الثاني هو أنه شيء وصل نسبة عالية من التكرارية. لا يمكن إذن أن نقول عن الرجال الذين يقدمون خدمات جنسية للمرأة أنهم يشكلون ظاهرة، لأن ذلك السلوك لم يصل بعد إلى تكرارية عالية تزعج السلطات العمومية والمجتمع، رغم أننا لا نتوفر على معطيات إحصائية في الموضوع. فالعمل الجنسي، سواء كان رجاليا أو نسائيا، عمل سري غير منظم، وغير مقنن، من الصعب أن نقيسه ونحدد حجمه، وبالتالي من الصعب أن نتحدث عن العمل الجنسي الرجالي كظاهرة.

هل يمكن وضع العمل الجنسي الرجالي في خانة الانفجار الجنسي الذي يعرفه المغرب؟

بالطبع، قصدت بمفهوم الانفجار الجنسي أن إطار الزواج لم يعد كافيا لاستيعاب جميع السلوكات الجنسية. في السابق كان الجنس يحدث داخل إطار الزواج فقط. اليوم، الجنسانية قبل الزوجية شكل من أشكال الانفجار الجنسي. العمل الجنسي النسائي أو الرجالي أيضا شكل من أشكال الانفجار الجنسي، لأنه تجاوز للحدود الشرعية والقانونية، وتجاوز لحدود الزواج. الانفجار الجنسي مرتبط أيضا بالسلوكات المثلية التي أصبحت تتكرر أكثر اليوم، وتعبر عن نفسها بشكل أكثر صراحة في الفضاء العمومي.

هل الحاجة المادية مبرر كاف يمكن أن يؤدي بالرجل إلى ممارسة العمل الجنسي أو ما يسمى بالدعارة؟

لا، ليس عاملا كافيا، لكنه عامل ضروري وأساسي. فالرجل عندما يبيع خدمات جنسية، يكون هدفه الحصول على مال، على أجر. حينما لا يجد الشاب عملا، يجد نفسه منجرا وراء بيع خدمات جنسية قصد الحصول على دخل. إذن، العامل الاقتصادي عامل محدد في كل أشكال العمل الجنسي. عندما نستعمل مفردات "دعارة" أو "عهارة" أو "بغاء"، فإننا نكبت العامل الاقتصادي من التحليل ونبرز فقط البعد الأخلاقي وننصل المجتمع والدولة من مسؤولايتهما في توفير فرص العمل اللائق. من المستحيل أن نقول أن الفقر والبطالة يؤديان حتما إلى العمل الجنسي، لكن هناك ترابط كبير وعال بين الفقر والبطالة والطبقات المسحوقة من جهة والعمل الجنسي من جهة أخرى.

هل يسوي المجتمع في نظرته إلى المرأة والرجل حين يتعلق الأمر بـ"الدعارة"؟

طبعا لا، لأن المجتمع المغربي مجتمع أبيسي، مما يعني أن الرجل هو المال الفاعل، وأن المرأة هي الجسد المفعول به... الرجل يشتري المتعة كخدمات يقدمها له جسد المرأة... كما في الزواج أيضا، الزواج فيه مال، هناك صداق، هناك نفقة، مقابل النفقة، الطاعة الجنسية بالأساس. وإلى حدود 1926، كان في إمكان الرجل المغربي أن يشتري جارية أو جواري بدون حصر، ويتمتع بهن جنسيا. تقليديا، الرجل هو الذي يؤدي عن الجنس، هو الذي يدفع. هو المال، هو المعرفة، هو السلطة، إما في إطار الزواج أو العمل الجنسي أو الرق الجنسي (إلى أن منعه الفرنسيون).

أما أن نقلب العلاقة ونجد المرأة هي من تشتري المتعة من الرجل، فهذا قلب نادر في المجتمعات الأبيسية، خصوصا في إطار العمل الجنسي. وهو شيء أصبح يحدث اليوم. العمال الجنسيون يعملون مع الرجال والنساء. وسواء باع الرجل خدمات جنسية للرجال أو للنساء، فإنه يرفض اجتماعيا لأنه لا يعتبر رجلا... فالرجولة تعني أبيسيا القدرة على الإنفاق وعلى شراء المتعة من النساء. أما أن يبحث الرجل عن المال من خلال بيع خدمات جنسية للنساء أو للرجال، فهذا يعرضه لاحتقار أكبر من الاحتقار الذي تتعرض له العاملة الجنسية. إن الاحتقار الأكبر تجاه العامل الجنسي يعبر بشكل أكبر عن المنطق الأبيسي.

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26 mars 2014 3 26 /03 /mars /2014 09:03

هذا نص الحوار الدي أجرته معي سارة مصباح من جريدة "الأخبار" والمنشور في عدد 25 مارس 2014 تحت عنوان "لا بد من إعطاء تربية جنسية مبيحة غير إباحية"

  1. ما هو تفسيركم لإدمان المراهقين على المواقع الإباحية، و ما السبب في انتشارها بهذا الشكل الملحوظ؟

مما لا شك فيه أن هناك مراهقين يشاهدون المواد الإباحية ، لكن هذا لا يسمح لنا بأن نطلق على الأمر اسم الظاهرة، حيث لا توجد دراسات أو أبحاث علمية وافية بخصوص هذا الموضوع. بالفعل هناك بعض المراهقين الذين يلجون هذه المواقع الإباحية و يكون دافعهم الأول وراء ذلك هو البحث عن ا لمعرفة بسبب غياب تربية جنسية. في هذه الأخيرة، مستويات عدة، منها المستوى المتعوي الذي يمكن المراهق من معرفة تقنيات الحصول على المتعة الجنسية ومقاسمتها مع الشريك الجنسي. فالأكيد أن كل المراهقين يطرحون سؤال، 'كيف يجب أن أجامع؟ كيف الحصول على المتعة الجنسية القصوى؟، لكن لا أحد من المراهقين المغاربة يتوصل بإجابة شافية في الموضوع، فلا الأسرة و لا المدرسة و لا وسائل الإعلام المغربية تجيبه عن سؤاله هذا. و بالتالي يبقى هذا السؤال مقموعا وقائما في الوقت ذاته، مما يدفع المراهقين للاتجاه نحو المواقع الإلكترونية الإباحية للتوصل إلى إجابات عن تساؤلاتهم الجنسية المتراكمة.

وبالتالي، ينبغي اعتبار المواقع الإباحية "مربيا جنسيا" بالنسبة للمراهق المغربي كما بينت ذلك في كتابي "الشباب، الجنس والإسلام" سنة 2000. قالمواقع الإباحية والأفلام البورنوغرافية تعطي معرفة تقنية عن كيفية الجماع و كيفية المتعة و طرق مقاسمتها مع الشريك.

كذلك السرية تعتبر من أهم أسباب ولوج المراهق لهذه المواقع الإباحية، فعند زيارته لهذه المواقع و مشاهدته لتلك المواد الإباحية، من المؤكد أن لا أحدا سيعرف الأمر، و بالتالي فالسرية تعد من العوامل المشجعة على هذا العمل.

كما أن مشاهدة نساء جميلات و رجال وسيمون أقوياء يشعل الرغبة في المشاهد و يقود في بعض الأحيان إلى الاستمناء تلبية لرغبة جنسية متسحيلة التحقق مع شريك فعلي. فالعلاقة الجنسية في المغرب قبل الزواج علاقة فيها صعوبات لأنها محرمة ومجرمة، ومن ثم تتم تلبية الرغبة الجنسية من خلال الاستمناء أمام شركاء وهميين، وينسحب الأمر أيضا على المثليين و المثليات.

  1. و ما مدى تأثير ذلك على كل من المراهق كفرد و على المجتمع ككل؟

في الحقيقة ليس هناك تشخيص للظاهرة أو دراسة، حتى نتمكن من التدقيق في رصد تأثير زيارة المراهقين للمواقع الإباحية. ما يمكن أن أصوغه كفرضيات بصفتي متخصص في الجنس، أن المراهق المشاهد يتمكن من معرفة جنسية عملية خارج حدود الأخلاق المدنية المؤسسة والمسيجة للمادة الإباحية. فالمراهق المشاهد المغربي يستقبل إذن تلك المواد الإباحية دون أن يكون مسلحا بأخلاق مدنية تمكنه من موضعتها في إطارها الحقيقي، التجاري الصرف. دون تلك الأسلحة، يقع المراهق في نظرة تؤدي إلى تسليع الجنس، أي إلى اعتبار الجنس مجموعة كفاءات جسمية وفيزيقية في إطار ألبسة داخلية معينة، وأحذية جلدية معينة وديكور معين، داخل منزل معين، أو في مسبح أو في شاطئ... كل ذلك يدمج الجنس كسلعة قابلة للاستهلاك في إطار استهلاكي.

إلى جانب ذلك تعمل هذه الفيديوهات على نشر صورة تحقر المرأة و تحولها إلى جسد/آلة يفعل به الرجل ما يشاء و يأتيه من حيث يشاء. و في حالات أخرى، تظهر المرأة آكلة للذكور حيث تؤتى من طرف ثلاث رجال في آن واحد في مناطق مختلفة من جسمها... أو ترى طابورا من الرجال يأتون المرأة الواحد تلو الآخر كما لو أن المرأة لا يكفيها ذكر واحد. وهذا تشويه خطير لصورة المرأة يستقبله المراهق دون أدنى احتراس.

من السلبيات الأخرى أن المادة الإباحية تنشر لدى المراهق فكرة أن الجنس يمارس دون حب ودون مسؤولية ودون التزام أخلاقي، إنه الجنس الميكانيكي البحت الخالي من أية عاطفة، يختزل فيه الرجل إلى ذكر منتصب دوما. من خلال هذه النظرة الميكانيكية للجنس، يتحول الجنس إلى وسيلة للتسلية، ولملئ وقت فراغ.

من السلبيات الآخرى، يمكن أن تتكون لدى المشاهد عقدا نفسية ، فالمراهق يرى في الفيديوهات الإباحية ذكورا طويلة ذات حجم كبير ويرى جماعا يدوم وقتا طويلا، وهي مشاهد تتحول إلى مرجع، إلى مقياس يحكم من خلاله المراهق على نفسه. فيقارن بين طول ذكره وطول ذكر أبطال الأفلام البورنوغرافية، مما يمكن أن يؤدي إلى شعور بالنقص ثم إلى عدم الثقة بالنفس، وهذا شيء خطير على الصحة الجنسية في بعدها النفسي.

  1. و ما هي الحلول التي يمكن من خلالها الحد من هذه الظاهرة او على الاقل تقليص حجمها؟

أمر الشخص أو نصحه بالابتعاد عن الجنس قبل الزواج ليست رسالة كفيلة لوحدها بالحد من خطر إدمان مشاهدة المواقع و المواد الإباحية. فبالرغم من ربط الأمر بالدين و بالأخلاق الأبيسية المانعة للجنس قبل الزواج، تبقى رسالة الإمساك والعفة غير مجدية أو ناجعة، حيث يجب أن تصاحب هذه الرسالة بتربية جنسية غير منقوصة، أي ليس كما هو الشأن بالنسبة للتربية الجنسية التي لدينا بالمغرب. فقد بينت في أبحاثي الميدانية في المغرب نهاية التسعينيات، مع مهنيي الصحة والتربية، أن للتربية الجنسية خمس مستويات :

  • المستوى الأول يشمل كل ما يتعلق بالأجهزة الجنسية التناسلية
  • المستوى الثاني يشمل التعريف بالإخصاب و الحمل و الإنجاب وبموانع الحمل.
  • المستوى الثالث يضم كيفية تجب انتقال الأمراض المنقولة جنسيا.
  • المستوى الرابع يتعلق بالجانب المتعوي
  • المستوى الخامس يتعلق بكل ما هو قيمي ( ما يجوز و ما لا يجوز، الإباحة/المنع)

المستويات الثلاثة الأولي حاضرة في المغرب، ولو بشكل نسبي وغير معمول به في كل الحالات. أما المستوى الرابع المتعلق بالمتعة وبطرقها، فغائب تماما كما قلت في بداية هذا الحوار وهو ما يدفع إلى التهام المواد الإباحية. أما المستوى الخامس، فيجعل من الجنس قبل الزواج وخارجه ظاهرة سلبية قذرة آثمة، وهذا منظور يتعارض مع مستلزمات تربية جنسية صحيحة وكاملة.

لابد من إعطاء تربية جنسية مبيحة دون أن تكون إباحية، فإباحة الجنس لا تعني الإباحية، أي لا تعني الاختلاط والفوضى، بل تعني فقط أن الجنس شيء طبيعي وأن تطبيعه ضرورة عمومية. بتعبير آخر، لا بد وأن يعترف به كحق لكل فرد بغض النظر عن كونه رجلا أو امرأة، مثليا أو غيريا، متزوجا أو غير متزوج. فالاعتراف بحق كل فرد في العلاقة الجنسية الرضائية سيحول الجنس من ذنب مقترف إلى سلوك مسؤول ومحمي. فكلنا نعلم أن الممنوع مرغوب فيه مع كل ما يعني ذلك من مخاطر ومزالق. كلما انخفضت المعاناة من الحرمان الجنسي، كلما انخفضت مشاهدة المواد الإباحية. وكلما اعتبرنا الجنس شيئا محرما إلا و ارتفعت نسبة مستهلكي المواد الإباحية.

خلاصة القول، الجنس قبل الزواج من منظور حقوق الإنسان حق مشروع، كما أن الدستور المغربي لسنتي 1996 و 2011 يكرس حقوق الإنسان كمرجعية سامية، وعلينا تفعيل تلك المرجعية في الحقل الجنسي المغربي لنجعل منه حقلا سليما.

فالرغبة في عدم مشاهدة الأفلام الإباحية لا يجب أن تأتي تحت ضغط المحيط فقط، و إنما بالأساس نابعة من داخل الفرد نفسه.

و قد بينت أبحاث ودراسات منظمة الصحة العالمية أن التربية الجنسية كلما كانت كاملة، كلما تأجلت بداية النشاط الجنسي. في المغرب، حيث لا تربية جنسية كاملة، يبدأ النشاط الجنسي في سن مبكرة، ابتداء من 12 سنة، في الوقت الذي يتأجل النشاط الجنسي في البلدان الأوروبية إلى غاية 17 أو 18 سنة. لا بد من تصحيح الفكرة التي تقول أنه كلما تمت التربية الجنسية في سن مبكرة كلما سارع الفرد إلى تطبيق ما تعلمه، هذا أمر خاطئ تماما.

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بقلم الدكتور عبد الصمد الديالمي، ترجمة ناصر السوسي

من غير نكران فضل جميع الأساتذة الذين تتلمذت لهم، سواء في المدرسة أو الثانوية أو الجامعة، يحتل محمد جسوس مكانة خاصة في حياتي . فجسوس والخطيبي هما الأستاذان المغربيان الوحيدان اللذان درساني علم الاجتماع بدء من سنة 1969 على مدى السنتين النهائيتين من الإجازة (1969-1970 و 1970-1971). أما الأساتذة الآخرون فإما فرنسيون ،(في قسم الفلسفة بالفرنسية )، و إما مصريون أو سوريون (في قسم الفلسفة المعرب) .

كان محمد جسوس، وهو العائد لتوه من الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، يأتي إلى الكلية مرتديا سروالا قصيرا و قميصا بأكمام قصيرة تزركشها مربعات ملونة. كانت هذه البساطة في اللباس تصدم أذهان الطلبة لكننا أدركنا تدريجيا أنها علامة على حداثة يومية متبناة بشكل عميق إلى أقصى حد. وأدركنا، و بالتدريج كذلك، أن جسوس لم يكن ليخطر على باله أن يفرض ذاته من خلال الهندام. هكذا علمنا، و من دون التصريح بذلك، أن الهندام لا يصنع الأستاذ . فكم من جهل مقدس يختفي بالفعل خلف الملبس!

لا تتوقف حداثة جسوس عند حدود الهندام، فحداثته تكمن بشكل خاص في طريقته في التدريس، و في بيداغوجيته التشاركية، وفي استعداده القبلي للإنصات لمريديه. من ثمة، فهو يذكرني بسقراط.

أثناء الحلقات الدراسية للسنة الرابعة من الإجازة (1970-1971) كان محمد جسوس الأستاذ الوحيد الذي يتحدث، و الوحيد الذي يتدخل، في الوقت الذي كان فيه الأساتذة الآخرون، الفرنسيون و المغاربة، الحاضرون معنا، ينصتون. كانوا ينصتون له بكل احترام، و كنت أنصت له بإعجاب. لذلك أعددت ، وفي تلك السنة بالذات، أي 1971، أعددت رسالة الإجازة حول الشباب المغربي تحت إشرافه هو.

على أن حداثة جسوس تكمن بشكل أخص في قبوله سنة 1975 الإشراف على أطروحتي للسلك الثالث في موضوع الجنس في المغرب. فكان بذلك أول أستاذ جامعة مغربي يقبل الإشراف على موضوع أطروحة كهذا. وهو ما أتاح لي شرف أن أكون أول طالب مغربي ناقش سنة 1980 أطروحة حول الجنس في المغرب. و لا ينبغي أن يغرب عن بالنا في هذا الصدد بأن هذا كله قد جرى و تم بالجامعة المغربية.

وبقبول موضوعي المعنون "الجنس والمجتمع بالمغرب: دراسة نظرية و تطبيقية " ، يكون محمد جسوس قد أبان عن جرأة نموذجية و روحا أكاديمية رائدة جعلته يضع اللبنة الأولى لتشييد حقل الدراسات الجنسية و الجندرية في المغرب.

أثناء إعدادي أطروحتي تحت إشرافه، من 1975 إلى 1980، واظبت على زيارته بالرباط، و تحديدا في منزله بأكدال ، بزنقة درعة. كان يعيد إلي، في كل زيارة له، الفصل الذي تسلمه مني من قبل. و كان يبقيني عنده لساعتين أو ثلاث ساعات ليشرح لي شفويا تعليقاته المرسومة باللون الأحمر. كان ذلك يتم بمحضر من زوجته و ابنتيه. كان جو العمل مفعما بروح الود والهدوء، و بالاحترافية و الأكاديمية على حد سواء. بزي بسيط دوما، فهو لا يتمسك بالشكليات، كان يستقبلني في بيته كأنني ابنه أو شقيقه الأصغر. و عند المغادرة، كان يزودني بكتب للقراءة من خزانته الشخصية. فأعود إلى الدار البيضاء {من 1975 إلى 1977}، و فيما بعد إلى فاس {من 1977 إلى 1980} دائما محملا بها. و الملاحظ أن تلك الكتب لم تكن لها علاقة مباشرة بموضوع الجنس و/أو المرأة، ولم أدرك إلا تدريجيا أنه كان يمكنني من الأسلحة النظرية التي ستجعل من عملي عملا أكاديميا علاوة على كونه سلاحا في معركة الدفاع عن القضية الجنسية و النسائية. ومع انه لم يطلب مني أبدا أن أرد له كتبه، فقد كنت دوما حريصا على إرجاعها اليه .

عند ما واجهت البحث الميداني حول موضوع على قدر كبير من الحساسية، قدم لي محمد جسوس "درسا" حول سوسيولوجيا السوسيولوجيا بالمغرب من قبيل ما يلي: "ليست للمغربي أية دراية بالبحث السوسيولوجي"، "بالنسبة للمغربي، كل باحث هو عميل استخباراتي مقنع"، "لن يكون الاستبيان / المقابلة ممكنا إلا إذا كان للمغربي رأي شخصي و فردي متمايز ومغاير للرأي الجماعي السائد"... فيما بعد، كتب ايمانويل طود أن الديمقراطية لن تتحقق إلا إذا كانت النسبة المئوية للساكنة المتعلمة بشكل حقيقي تفوق 70 في المائة.

عقب نشر هذه الأطروحة سنة 1985 بدار النشر المغربية تحت عنوان "المرأة والجنس في المغرب"، آخذني جسوس على عدم نشرها بالكامل، كما عاتبني، بشكل أدق ، على اقتضابي الجزء الميداني. ولم أستوعب قيمة نقده الحقيقية إلا بعد مرور ثلاثين سنة. مرد ذلك أن عالم الاجتماع المغربي خلال حقبة الثمانينات (من القرن الماضي) كان مناصرا، بشكل خاص، للنظرية و النقد الثوريين. لكن جسوس، رغم أنه المناضل السياسي غير الفاسد المعروف من لدن الجميع، كان على وعي تام بقيمة البحث الميداني دون أن يقع في الهوس التكميمي المميز للمدرسة الأمريكية. لذلك لم يستصغر جسوس قط قيمة البحث الميداني في مهنة عالم الاجتماع المغربي.

بالنسبة إلي، جسوس لم يمت، ولن يموت أبدا . فدرسه صاحبني دائما، وسيظل يصاحبني على الدوام . في نظري، سيظل درسه حاضرا لدى جميع علماء الاجتماع المغاربة. في نظري، ليس جسوس مرجعا لعلماء الاجتماع وحدهم، إنه قدوة للمثقفين وللسياسيين.

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Khatibi est, à mon sens, le premier marocain à faire de l'anthropologie, tout en reconnaissant qu' «on ne nationalise pas une science pour lui donner une valeur d'objectivité»[1]. Il est en effet le premier à rompre avec le mépris scripturaire de l'islam populaire, et avec la condamnation sociologico-développementaliste de l'ethnologie coloniale. Dans Blessure du nom propre, il étudie différentes formes de culture populaire et ne craint pas de dénoncer l'emprise du réformisme. Il écrit : «au nom de la culture nationale, on censure, on réprime les valeurs de la culture populaire qui sont moins logographiques, plus sensibles à une continuité historique inscrite dans le corps. C'est par la critique d'une telle idéologie que le savoir peut se fonder...»[2]. Cette volonté de savoir s'exprime chez Khatibi quand il présente et aborde la culture populaire comme un ensemble de sous-systèmes sémiotiques en rapport avec l'Islam. «Les systèmes sémiotiques ici présentés, écrit-il, s'inscrivent notoirement par rapport à l'Islam...soit qu'un système constitue une propagation travestie et voilée de l'inter-signe divin (la calligraphie), soit qu'il s'institue à l'interstice du tracé refoulé par l'Islam : le tatouage comme archi-écriture du signe vide, soit qu'il s'ordonne en une sémiotique orale, sans doute traversée par le texte coranique, mais dont la structure formelle remonte au Récit primitif (proverbe, conte)...»[3]. Apparemment, l'objet de Khatibi est le même que celui de l'ethnologie coloniale : dans les deux cas, il s'agit bien de culture islamique populaire, et Khatibi ne craint pas de reprendre les croquis de J. Herber à propos du tatouage de la marocaine. Mais en fait, la perspective et le mode d'approche ont changé. Khatibi ne vise pas à exploiter ces sous-systèmes pour jouir de la déconfiture historique de l'islam. Son point de vue n'est plus celui d'un chercheur qui regarde une population primitive, et son approche sémiotique s'intéresse surtout au jeu des signes constitutifs d'un texte. Ce changement de perspective et d'approche opéré par Khatibi le met devant un objet nouveau, différent de celui interrogé par l'ethnologie coloniale. «Ce que Khatibi interroge, écrit R. Barthes, c'est un homme intégralement populaire, qui ne parle que par ses signes à lui, et qui se trouve aujourd'hui trahi par les autres, qu'il soit parlé (par les folkloristes) ou tout simplement oublié (par les intellectuels)»[4]. Désormais, s'intéresser à la culture populaire ne vise plus à trouver un démenti à l'Islam universaliste scripturaire dans la spécificité de la coutume. Certes, le démenti satirique de l'Islam scripturaire par l'islam populaire peut se retrouver, ici et là, dans les travaux de Khatibi, mais ce démenti n'est plus l'objectif central dans la stratégie de l'écriture. Par exemple, Khatibi affirme que «le proverbe gomme les interdits religieux, en particulier la sodomie (et le cunnilingus)»[5], ou que le tatouage «ornemental», «fait pour le plaisir du corps, serait une manière de voiler le tracé divin par une écriture érotique. C'est substituer à l'ordre de Dieu la stratégie humaine du désir»[6]. Malgré cette trahison de la loi islamique par le proverbe et le tatouage, il ne s'agit plus ici de faire fonctionner l'islam populaire comme une culture anti-islamique, liée à une force politique sécessionniste, la race berbère en l'occurrence.

Dans le sillage de Khatibi, mais en faisant un travail ethnographique de collecte, des auteurs comme A. Hammoudi (1988)[7], A. Dialmy (1991)[8], H. Rachik (1992)[9] et K. Naamouni (1993)[10] ont également renoué le lien avec l'ethnologie et de ses objets. «Les travaux ethnographiques et ethnologiques sur les rites marocains se multiplient» confirme R. Jamous[11]. Mais l'enjeu politique d'une telle démarche n'est plus la mesure du «coefficient de primitivisme dégressif» (G. Marcy), il est d'élargir la notion de culture nationale, de l'enrichir, et de la libérer du réductionnisme réformiste. Pour l'ensemble des chercheurs nationaux s'intéressant à la culture orale, la culture nationale n'est pas réductible à la culture savante, citadine et bourgeoise. La culture nationale ne doit pas se construire sur un acte d'exclusion idéologique des cultures périphériques. En un mot, la finalité ultime de l'acte ethnographique national n'est pas de semer le doute sur l'islam du marocain, ou sur l'unité nationale du Maroc.

[1] Ibid, p. 25.

[2] A. Khatibi : Blessure du nom propre, Paris, Denoel, 1974, p. 70.

[3] Ibid, pp. 16-17

[4] R. Barthes : «Ce que je dois à Khatibi», Pro-culture, Rabat, n° 12, 1970.

[5] A. Khatibi : Blessure... op.cit, p. 50.

[6] Ibid, p. 102.

[7] A. Hammoudi : La victime et ses masques. Essai sur le sacrifice et la mascarade au Maghreb, Paris, Le Seuil, 1988

[8] A. Dialmy : Féminisme soufi. Conte fassi et initiation sexuelle, Casablanca, Afrique-Orient, 1991

[9] H. Rachik : Le sultan des autres. Rituel et politique au Haut-Atlas, Casablanca, Afrique-Orient, 1992.

[10] K. Naamouni : Le culte de Bouya Omar, Casablanca, Eddif, 1993.

[11] R. Jamous : «Rites sacrificiels en Inde et au Maghreb», Correspondances, Bulletin de l'IRMC, n° 32-33, Juillet-Août 1995, p. 10.

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11 février 2014 2 11 /02 /février /2014 12:57

Pour moi, Khatibi était athée. Pourquoi n’a-t-il pas laissé un testament où il recommande d’être enterré sans cérémonie religieuse ? Pourquoi a-t-il été enterré comme musulman ? Pourquoi sa mort n’a-t-elle pas été sécularisée ? En arrivant près de la mosquée des Chouhada, je remarquai tout d’abord qu’une bonne partie des gens qui venaient à l’enterrement n’étaient pas rentrés dans la mosquée pour faire la prière du mort. Un premier signe, un signe fort d’une présence, celle de Khatibi. Refuser de jouer la comédie, de jouer le jeu. Ces gens, pour la plupart des intellectuels, discutaient et se laissaient filmer ou interviewer par 2M. Entre la mosquée et le cimetière, 200 à 300 mètres, nous avons marché derrière la voiture qui transportait le cercueil. Je ne dirai pas dans un silence religieux. Personne n’a entonné les chants funèbres, religieux, que l’on entonne d’habitude quand on accompagne un mort à sa dernière demeure. On marchait, on parlait. Et il y avait également des femmes. C’était la première fois que je voyais des femmes dans un cortège funèbre musulman. C’est la première fois que je vois des femmes assister à un enterrement. La présence de la femme à l’enterrement est-elle incompatible avec l’islam ? Est-ce un ijtihad pratique silencieux qui modernise l’islam ? Est-ce une sécularisation pratique de la mort ?

J'ai rédigé ce texte après mon retour des funérailles de Khatibi le 16 mars 2009. Je comptais le publier plus tard, dans d'éventuelles mémoires...

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11 février 2014 2 11 /02 /février /2014 12:30

Sans renier le mérite de tous les professeurs d’école, de lycée et d’université que j’ai eus, Mohammed Guessouss a une place particulière dans ma vie. Il a été l’un des deux professeurs de sociologie marocains que j’ai eus, avec Khatibi, et ce à partir de 1969, durant les deux dernières années de licence (1969-70 et 1970-71). Les autres professeurs étaient soit français (dans le département de philo en français), soit égyptiens ou syriens (dans le département de philo en arabe).

Rentrant des USA en 1969, Guessouss venait à la fac en short, en chemises à carreaux et à manches courtes. Cette simplicité vestimentaire choquait certes l’esprit des étudiants, mais on a compris progressivement qu’elle était le signe d’une modernité assumée profonde jusqu’au bout, au quotidien. On a compris progressivement que Guessouss ne pensait pas à s’imposer par l’habit. Il nous a appris sans jamais le dire que l’habit ne fait pas le professeur. Que d’ignorance sacrée peut se cacher derrière l’habit en effet !

La modernité de Guessouss ne s’arrêtait pas au vestimentaire Elle résidait surtout dans sa façon d’enseigner, dans sa pédagogie participative, dans sa prédisposition à l’écoute du disciple. Il me rappelait Socrate. Au cours des séminaires de 4ème année de licence (1970-1971), il était le seul professeur à parler, à intervenir. Les autres professeurs, Français et Marocains, étaient là, écoutaient. Ils l’écoutaient avec respect. Je l’écoutais avec admiration. Cette année, j’avais préparé mon mémoire de licence sous sa direction, sur la jeunesse marocaine.

De façon plus particulière, la modernité de Guessouss réside dans le fait qu’il ait accepté en 1975 de diriger ma thèse de 3ème cycle sur la sexualité au Maroc. Il fut le premier professeur d’université marocain à accepter un tel sujet de thèse, et me permit, par là, d’avoir l’honneur d’être le premier étudiant marocain à soutenir en 1980 une thèse sur la sexualité au Maroc. Rappelons ici que tout cela se passe dans le cadre de l’université marocaine, celle de Rabat. En acceptant mon sujet « Sexualité et Société au Maroc : Etude théorique et empirique », Guessouss a été d’un courage exemplaire et d’un académisme pionnier. Ce faisant, il a en fait posé la première pierre dans la construction du champ marocain des études sexuelles et de genre.

Tout en préparant ma thèse sous sa direction, de 1975 à 1980, je lui rendais régulièrement visite à Rabat, chez lui, à Rabat, au quartier Agdal, rue Draa. A chaque visite, il me rendait le chapitre que je lui avais remis auparavant. Et il me gardait pendant deux ou trois heures, à m’expliquer oralement ses commentaires tracés en rouge sur mon chapitre. Son épouse était là, ses filles, Laila, Nadia… Son fils, Omar, né en 1978, était bébé. L’ambiance était à la fois cordiale, détendue, professionnelle, académique… Toujours habillé de manière simple, sans formalisme, il me recevait chez lui, comme son fils ou son frère cadet. Chaque fois que je le quittais, il me donnait des livres à lire. Je rentrais à Casablanca (de 1975 à 1997) puis à Fès (de 1977 à 1980) toujours chargé des livres qu’il me donnait à lire. Ces livres n’avaient pas toujours de rapport direct avec la sexualité et/ou la femme. Ce n’est que progressivement que j’ai compris qu’il me donnait ainsi les armes théoriques pour faire de mon travail un texte académique, en plus d’être une arme de combat dans la cause sexuelle et féministe. J’ai toujours tenu à lui rendre ses livres même s’il ne m’avait jamais demandé de les lui rendre.

En affrontant le terrain sur un sujet aussi sensible, Guessouss me faisait un « cours » sur la sociologie de la sociologie au Maroc : « le Marocain ne connaît pas l’enquête sociologique », « pour le Marocain, tout enquêteur est un agent de renseignement déguisé », « le questionnaire/entretien sociologique n’est possible que si le Marocain a une opinion personnelle et individuelle distincte de l’opinion collective dominante », « l’instruction généralisée est une condition de base de l’enquête sociologique. Plus tard, Emmanuel Todd écrira que la démocratie n’est réalisable que si le pourcentage de la population (véritablement instruite) dépasse les 70%.

A la publication de cette thèse en 1985 aux Editions Maghébines sous le titre « Femme et sexualité au Maroc » (en arabe), Guessous me fit le reproche de ne pas l’avoir publié en entier. Il me reprocha plus précisément d’avoir résumé la partie empirique, celle de l’enquête de terrain ». Ce n’est que trente plus tard que je saisis à sa juste valeur cette critique. A l’époque, dans les années 1980, le sociologue marocain était surtout adepte de la théorie et de la critique révolutionnaires. Guessouss, tout en étant le militant politique non corrompu que tout le monde connaît, était plus conscient de la valeur de l’enquête de terrain sans toutefois tomber dans la quantophrénie de l’école américaine. Guessous ne voulait jamais minimiser le poids de la recherche empirique dans le métier du sociologue marocain.

Pour moi, Guessouss n’est pas mort, il ne mourra jamais. Son enseignement m’a toujours accompagné et m’accompagnera toujours. Pour moi, son enseignement sera toujours là pour l’ensemble des sociologues marocains. Pour moi, Guessouss n’est pas une référence pour les seuls sociologues, il est un modèle pour les intellectuels et les politiques.

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31 janvier 2014 5 31 /01 /janvier /2014 11:18

This paper deals with sex education during three periods of time: the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial (national) periods.

I- Pre-Colonial “Sex Education”

Even though the notion of sexual education has not been used in Morocco until the beginning of the 20th Century, an array of prescriptive and normative discourse on sexuality has been developed by the Moroccan traditional society targeting children and adolescents. Four sets of knowledge seem to us to constitute the nucleus of traditional sexual education: literature, law, sensual knowledge, and medicine. At first, the combination of those three sets of knowledge aimed at sexual socialization, i.e., construction of two identities of distinct and hierarchical nature (male and female) based on biological sex. Secondly, the four sets of knowledge combined within the same discourse would be transmitted to the child and adolescent in the form of information and normative prescriptions that will regulate eroticism and reproduction. “Religious” parents (teachers of Qur’anic schools, imams of mosques or doctors of law (‘ulama)), barbers, healers, traditional midwives were the principal bearers and transmitters of this discourse.

Sexual socialization aimed at the establishment of hierarchical and distinct sexual identities. In fact, rites of pregnancy, child birth, children games and rites of marriage revealed a discriminatory and unequal treatment of the sexes to pull boys out of femininity and build up their personality as powerful men. The young girl is born a woman and remains as such (horizontal axis), while the boy is destined to be a man, i.e., powerful (vertically ascending axis). The birth of a boy is the occasion for a collective satisfaction, expressed in the most zealous ritual: the most numerous dinghies, the bath of the boy’s mother seven days after delivery is the most ceremonial. In the Moroccan patrimonial parenthood system, the birth of a boy reassures the perpetuation of the lineage (i.e., the perpetuation of the name and identity). “The house which gives birth only to girls is a deserted house”, affirms an Arab dialectical proverb.

Violence and risks characterize boys’ games, while girls’ games are sweet, cautious and motherly. An intensive initiation of girls to ward domestic work is undertaken quite early. By contrast, boys’ socialization is made in the sense of preparation to public life founded on male chauvinism and masculinity, aggressiveness and competitiveness. Each sex has its own proper space, the space of boys being that of remunerated work, both public and political. Sexual borderlines are drawn within and through the organization of space.

The course leading toward public space of power begins, for boys, by the rite of circumcision [1]: This act symbolizes exit from the female world and the passage to the male space. In fact, circumcision should be comprised as a means of integration to the world of masculine virility [2]. After circumcision, the boy does not accompany his mother to the female bath, but goes with his father to that of men. All of a sudden, the world of women is transformed into a prohibited area and progressively becomes an object of desire. This transformation of women into objects of sexual desire reassures parents of the success of socialization. The obsessive fear of having a homosexual boy (passive) is effectively the cornerstone of the patriarchal buildup of masculinity. It follows from this that pre-marital heterosexual activity of boys is less prohibited thanks to the lax patriarchal socio-cultural interpretation of Islam because it reassures parents of the “good” sexual orientation of their boy: a heterosexual boy is correct, from the patriarchal standpoint. In fact, for the ordinary, even the extraordinary Moroccan man, being sexually correct is being heterosexual[3].

This normalizing heterosexuality is tested upon the rite of defloration. It is proved by the capacity to deflower the spouse upon the night of entry-penetration. This night is for men a proof of truth, i.e., of virility. By the latter, the male becomes man (rajel) by succeeding in deflowering his bride. The same patriarchal paradigm makes this night a proof of the virginity of the young girl (bint). Access to social status highly praising women (being a desired object, a powerful mother) is inconceivable before this fundamental night. In this perspective, there is no room for the young girl to have pre-marital sexual relations.

Man (rajel) is the one who controls his wife (wives) and children. Hence, “the simple act of publicly manifesting signs of familiarity or affection towards his wife bestows sometimes on a man the pejorative qualities of ‘rouijel’ (half-man) or ‘hnin’ i.e., affectionate, tender, which would be contrary to the nature of a rajel…” [4]. The rajel is the tough man, while the rouijel, is the delicate man [5]. The rajel does not allow himself to be sexually guided by his spouse, he is the master initiator who should control the sexuality of his women at all times (spouses, girls, sisters…).

I-2- Transmission of Sexual Knowledge

On the basis of this sexual socialization producing two distinct gender identities, the transmission of sexual knowledge is grafted. This knowledge is situated within the framework of sexual ethics initially transmitted to the child through the family. In fact, symbols garnishing the text of tales (literature) allow the transmission of sexual messages from one generation to the other, while safeguarding the unspoken of taboo of sex within the household. Tales use symbols to bypass censure and evasion. As an example, the tale of Aicha[6] offers a perfect illustration of this hypothesis of tales as didactic support of the transmission of Islamic sexual ethics to the child. This vision makes conjugal harmony and fertility two major objects of sexuality. On the one hand, the tale shows to the girl how to subjugate sexuality to marriage, pleasure and procreation; on the other hand, it shows to the boy how to be sexually responsible within the framework of marriage. However, the tale is keen to show how pre-marital sexuality is dangerous for the boy and totally unacceptable for the young girl [7].

By acting as such, the tale picks up the vision of the Muslim (Moroccan) right to sexuality: rejection of pre-marital sexuality, increasing the standing of marital sexuality (the high frequency of intercourse purifies the hearts and predisposes the person to love and good deeds [8]). Regarding bachelors, Ibn Ardun [9], this Moroccan jurist of the Sixteenth Century, enumerated the advantages of marriage: preservation of the look, preservation of sexual organs, the erotic-lewdness framework, the development of the sense of responsibility, patience and self-control, and the pre-tasting of erotic pleasures in heaven. Further than that, he shows to the married male how to behave sexually since the wedding night. Ibn Ardun recommends to the groom to observe the following approach:

  1. To start by saying gentle words to the bride, to make her forget her fright and nervousness, take her by the arm tenderly.
  2. Caress her and kiss her.
  3. Take off clothes completely.
  4. Not to penetrate the bride as long as she does not manifest a desire to.
  5. Not to have pleasure before the bride: reunion of the two “waters” together (simultaneous orgasm) is the culmination of pleasure and the basis of affection. “The groom should take into account the right (of the bride) during copulation”, since “the origin of hatred between the spouses is sexual disagreement”.
  6. Have sexual intercourse with the spouse once every four nights. However, the husband should increase or decrease the frequency of intercourse according to the needs of his wife to help her protect herself, immune herself against all temptations to adultery.
  7. The reproductive end can be bypassed by the interrupted copulation (‘azl) or the utilization of condoms.

This acceptance of sexuality by the law and initially by the Qur’an and the Sunna, led Muslims to develop an erotic science, which shows to the believer “how to make love with God’s blessing and his word” [10]. Erotic science transmits knowledge related to the typology of sexual temperaments, to the vaginas and penises, sexual positions, female orgasm, aphrodisiacs, sterility…. Regarding the difference of right, erotic science is equally preoccupied with illegal and “abnormal” sexuality.

In fact, Islamic urban tradition since the third century Hijri produced prescriptive treatises on sexuality. This trend has been pursued until the twentieth century, as testified by the book of A. Belghiti [11] in Fez, and the “Return of the Old Man to Coitus Aptitude” of Ibn Kamal Basha (who died in 1573/ 940). Moreover, Al Suyuti (who died in 1505) produced two books: Al ‘idah fi ‘ilm an-nikah (Explaining the Knowledge of Marriage) and Ar-rahma fi at-tibbi wa al-hikma (Mercy in Medicine and Wisdom). All those works are consulted by the masses, where they find elements of sexual education, indeed of sexual therapy to treat sexual malfunction. Their style, close to spoken language, makes them accessible references to the semi-educated. For example, the Scented Garden of Nefzawi, a largely commercialized work in libraries and popular bazaars, constitutes a real treatise of sexology at the level of the masses. “Its easy language reduces the distance between oral and written literature (that of the elite)… That is why it is (more) popular… the science of Nefzawi pertains to popular medicine” [12], largely accessible to the masses”.

For those who cannot read, this popular medicine is transmitted by teachers in Qur’anic schools, barbers, healers, traditional midwives, and wet-nurses.

Traditional midwives (qablat) notably should be considered as real sexual educators. They managed (and continue to manage in a certain measure) women fertility and intervene in all what concerns relations between the sexes. They are specialized in aphrodisiac mixtures, formulae and recipes to conceive male children, herbal tea to wake the sleeping baby up, amulets to turn men impotent or a woman “impenetrable”. According to R. Mathieu and R. Manneville, traditional midwives are specialists of the body, female body in particular [13].

Servants and wet-nurses also educate youngsters and push that process so hard to the extent that, according to M. Decrop, “despite the early marriage, young girls are perfectly informed about realities thereof” [14].

I-3 Actual Function of Traditional Sexual Knowledge

Traditional sexual knowledge is functional also today at several levels: in defloration and sexual positions, in “explanation” of HIV-AIDS, contraception, abortion…

At the level of defloration and sexual positions, a small civil servant in Rabat[15] summarized an even more widespread attitude: “Women should be deflowered at the first attempt… One should not ejaculate in the vagina upon defloration, otherwise the woman would be like a swamp… After defloration, one should sit the woman up straight in such a way that blood would not penetrate inside her…”. Further on, he added, “the normal position is at the same time the legitimate position, it is the position where the man is above the woman… It is a perverted thing to leave the woman go above the man… From the vagina, a very harmful acid-resistant material goes out. Hence, if the woman is above the man, this material penetrates the penis and can lead to sterility and impotence… Women should be accustomed to be under men”, he concluded.

At the level of HIV, predominant social images are even remoter than bio-medical knowledge; this is even more so among the youth [16]. In fact, spontaneous epidemic sciences and ordinary slump make HIV-AIDS a social structure made up both of scientific elements, value judgements, and explanations derived from pre-modern medicine and superstitious-religious beliefs. Spontaneous epidemic science links HIV-AIDS to aliens, to specific social groups, but mainly to women. As for ordinary ethics, they explain HIV-AIDS by coldness, debauchery, supernatural intervention and corporal proximity. Within this ordinary vision, women are considered as the source of all venereal diseases. The genital organ of women is in fact perceived as a container that can keep either the mixed sperms (of debauchery) or simply coldness. This organ is perceived as a cold and humid place, and its humidity is said to be a favorable medium for the formation of filth, microbes and viruses. This popular perception finds its fundamental roots in Arabic medieval medicine in which the genital organ of the female is an opening, farj, thaghr, i.e., an open border-place to the outside inimical world [17]. As such, female sex is a passageway, an opening, which, from the perspective of diseases, represents a “place for privileged exchange between the human body and the outside world”. In one word, it is a hole through which the winds penetrate[18]. This medieval Arab medical perception of the body, inherited from Greek-Roman antiquity (Hippocrates and Galien), is thus exploited by popular traditional views to accuse female body in specific of being the reservoir of perturbing natural elements of health. In sum, accusing the coldness is accusing women, coldness being characteristic and symbolic of women in patriarchal anthropology.

At the level of contraception and abortion, magical rites are developed to provoke or hinder defloration, erection, fertility and to interrupt pregnancy. Colonial ethnographers such as E. Doutté, E. Mauran, H. Renaud, A. R. de Lens and D. Legey as well as Moroccan pharmacologists such as Jamal Bellakhdar described those traditional practices perfectly mastered by traditional midwives. To face the inaccessibility [19] of modern reproductive and sexual health care, the majority among the Moroccan population resort to herbs and/or magic to resolve problems of defloration, erection, sterility or involuntary pregnancy.

To conclude, we can argue that some positive elements of the traditional normative discourse on sexuality can be maintained in the design of modern sexual education program. For instance, the positive vision of sexuality and the necessity of making pleasure for both partners out of it. However, several elements of the traditional vision of sexuality should be corrected, such as the rejection of certain sexual positions, the perception of conjugal defloration, the explanation of HIV-AIDS, the magical ritual, superstition… However, the element most widely discussed today by the youth within the Islamic tradition is pre-marital abstention. Is it a good means to prepare oneself to establish good sexual relations among the couple? Is it possible in a society where the average age for first marriage goes up for reasons both financial and cultural?

For the majority of French Protectorate doctors, confronted with the scourge of syphilis in Morocco, the anti-venereal struggle superseded sexual education (defined as prevention). Even worse, syphilis was perceived as a symptom of degeneration of the Moroccan race. Magical recipes and superstition used by Moroccans against venereal diseases were described by medical ethnography. Since 1920, the ethnographer E. Laoust has demonstrated in Berber Words & Things[20] how Berbers treat syphilis, scabies, blennorrhoea, and warts. Thirty years later, Louis Arnaud has addressed the same question: “how Moroccans treated their venereal diseases in the past?” [21].

Within the framework of the anti-venereal struggle, the colonial power promulgated a royal decree on 28 January 1914, which made the declaration of contagious or epidemic diseases obligatory (syphilis on top of the list). Hence, a systematic medical checkup was imposed by the State in Morocco following the hygienic model. It was marked by coercive and humiliating actions of sanitary control, the use of disinfectants and vaccination. Those coercive actions have anchored on “micro-resistance” [22] among the population.

On the other hand, colonial authorities regulated prostitution. This process was marked by the establishment of brothels and specialized quarters in order to facilitate medical control of sexual workers. In the wake of 1945, the 26 dispensaries specialized in venereal diseases, ophthalmology and tuberculosis[23] received a clientele composed mainly of women.

However, M. Decrop has rightly estimated that we cannot contemplate a rational organization of the anti-venereal struggle without integrating it with sexual education: “the latter should educate not only the fundamentals of anatomy, physiology and moral principles of sexuality, but also the dangers they pose… It is understood that first of all it should address educators, he reminds… Mainly, young students of instructors’ schools prepared and trained for social assistance should be the first to receive appropriate education. However, there is also an interest to educate those who are in charge of religious education within families, and fiqh (jurisprudence) to boys and girls. One or several lessons on sexual education, during which different aspects of the problem would be broached. It can be fitted in during the discussion of duties related to purity. Hence, while conforming to orthodoxy in the strictest sense, the Muslim population would be exposed to modern concepts concerning sexual life and its consequences” [24].

Thus, it is clear that the notion of sexual education, which refers mainly to the erotic art within the Moroccan traditional society, changed its orientation upon contact with the West. For the authorities of the French Protectorate, sexual education was mainly preoccupied with the scourge of venereal diseases and how to teach Moroccans to prevent them. This evolution was due to progress in medicine and more specially the discovery of microbes and antibiotics.

In the wake of independence, we have witnessed the disappearance of the notion of sexual education, even the acceptance of the struggle against venereal diseases. Instead, contraceptive education was implemented in order to teach Moroccan women to limit pregnancy and leave space between deliveries. Then, this contraceptive education was succeeded by an education on population, lavished by a greater number of actors. This type of education surpassed the only target group of married women at reproduction age to attempt to disseminate consciousness of the correlation between population and development amongst school population. Following the Cairo Conference on Population and Development (1994), we have witnessed a timid return to the notion of sexual education when the contraceptive education programs of HIV-AIDS were elaborated. Finally, thanks to foreign audio-visual media, the youth discovered the erotic content of sexual education and thus bridged a national gap.

Following the adoption of family planning in 1966, the Moroccan Association for Family Planning was created in 1971. Its task consisted of raising awareness among the population and offer family planning services. In 1977, the experience of house visits was launched to motivate people to adopt family planning. In 1989, the State elaborated a national strategy to raise public awareness and provide information on family planning. In 1993, the Ministry of Public Health implemented a strategy of contraceptive education and family planning. The promotion among the masses aims at transforming family planning into a culture of the masses. Given the high illiteracy rate, the utilization of modern media such as the radio and television were adopted. Traditional media [25] such as halqa (circle), souk (bazaar), qabla (midwife) and fqih (jurist) were equally used to induce rural population to use contraceptives. The task of informing unmarried women at reproduction age was delegated to non-governmental organizations, such as the Moroccan Association of Family Planning. This association focused on unschooled youth and designed messages on contraception addressed to the sexually active population.

Despite resistance exhibited by the rural population, the reduction of the Synthetic Index of Fertility (SIF) was remarkable at the longitudinal level and testified to the success of family planning programs. During the period 1962- 1997, the SIF has in fact scored an outstanding reduction of 20% between 1962 and 1980 and 56% between 1962 and 1997.

Year

1962

1980

1997

SIF

7.0

5.6

3.1

Moroccan fertility has gone down by more than half in 35 years. The decrease of fertility rates reached all ages without exception. More specifically, premature fertility has decreased, the percentage of adolescent mothers has gone down from 8.5% in 1982 to 4.5% in 1995. In the same vein, the fertility rate among the 15-19 year-olds was 35% only.

The education on population program appeared after the World Conference on Population held in Bucharest in 1974 as “an educational response to current demographic, economic, social and political problems” [26] within a context of demographic transition without real industrial development.

In Morocco, the launching of Education on Population (EOP) has started in the early 1980’s, with the signature of cooperation agreements between diverse ministerial department and the FNUAP and the signature of an accord to create a coordination cell of activities between contraceptive education and education on population programs. This cell was set up by the Ministry of State for Interior Affairs and for Information, the Ministry of Public Health, the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, the Ministry of Youth and Sports, the Ministry of Agriculture and Agricultural Investment, the Ministry of National Education and the Moroccan Association for Family Planning. Since 1994, this cell has been publishing a bulletin called At-Tarbiya As-Sukkaniya (Education on Population).

The establishment of Education on Population (EOP) programs within formal education [27] has started in 1981. At the curricular level, EOP has been integrated with various already existing subjects: Arabic language, history/geography, Islamic education, natural sciences, female studies [28]. Until 1996, the latter subject was uniquely taught to female college students. The first step toward the leveling of the two sexes has been accomplished in 1996, “when it was decided that boys and girls should profit from this subject, given the fact that it focuses on the family and questions related thereto… (This subject) deserves to be called family education instead of female education”[29]. However, the manual has not changed. Consequently, boys were bothered to use a manual bearing the title “Female Education[30] and which in fact addressed female college students as future mothers. Furthermore, this subject was not taught in all Moroccan colleges.

At the secondary school level (lycée), programs deal with historical data on AIDS, its modes of transmission and methods of prevention, and present detection methods through Elisa tests and Western Blot for scientific sections[31].

However, assessment studies undertaken by the Ministry of National Education show that EOP in schools has had a modest effect on demographic behavior, mainly in rural areas[32].

The non-generalization of education and widespread illiteracy led all ministerial departments of the coordination cell of education on contraception and EOP to integrate the latter into programs of combating illiteracy, agricultural and sanitary counseling. Thus, the Ministry of Youth and Sports (Women Department) has planned training on EOP to its managing cadre female centers at the national level in order to integrate this program. On its part, the Ministry of State for Interior has also its awareness programs for citizens on the interaction between population and environment. The Ministry of Arts and Crafts and the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs have consolidated the EOP in programs of combating illiteracy for the benefit of 200.000 citizens annually in social centers. Manuals where fundamental notions of EOP were integrated have been printed. Fifteen instructors of the National Institute of Social Action (in Tangiers) have been trained on EOP program. In its turn, the Ministry of Public Health consolidated activities related to education on contraception within the domain of maternal and infantile health and family planning and organized activities[33] on EOP.

Following the International Conference on Population and Development (held in Cairo in 1994), Morocco began to use the notion of reproductive health, and to a lesser extent that of sexual health. The Ministry of Youth and Sports launched a campaign to raise the awareness of 30.000 young girls on questions of reproductive health. “A reference book has been produced in conformity with the recommendations of the ICPD, and themes of reproductive health, HIV-AIDS have been introduced in training models” [34].

By putting forward a worrying rate of diffusion of HIV [35], the Ministry of Public Health has instituted a National Program for Combating AIDS (NPCA), including EOP programs aiming at prevention against the disease [36]. “Programs of Education on Contraception focusing on reproductive health concern mainly family planning, maternal health, venereal diseases and AIDS… The Ministry of Public Health ensures actions of sanitary education through the division of health education, which is at the core of the population department”[37]. Within this framework, didactic material has been produced[38], including posters, information bulletins on AIDS, TV spots…

Furthermore, an anthropological-sociological study on the educational responsibility of HIV patients has been undertaken by the Ministry of Health with providers of health care within the public sector[39]. Sexual education was one of the themes debated within discussion groups. It focused on how care providers defined sexual education, and “measured” their predisposition to diffuse it and identify their material needs.

The synthesis of viewpoints expressed by Moroccan public sector health care officers allows us to distinguish between four components of sexual education:

  • A biological component, consisting of transmitting scientific knowledge on the sexual anatomy and physiology. This is the first stage of sexual education that public care officers call “primary prevention”, which lies in “knowledge of the human body, genital organs and their function…”
  • An erotic component, which contrasts the pleasant with the unpleasant aspects, includes techniques of the sexual act and pleasure. This content is least developed among Moroccan public care officers in general. As for those who talk about it, they do so specifically to say that young girls should not be targeted. It is the most indiscriminate content of religious norms, raising the highest controversy and “arguments” among defenders of Islam to reject sexual education. Most often, sexual education is reduced only to this erotic component.
  • A contraceptive component, consisting of exposure to techniques of contraception.
  • A preventive component, unraveling the nature of HIV-AIDS, its dangers and the means to avoid it.
  • A normative component, which draws the boundary between the permissible and the prohibited in the name of Islamic frame of reference, so that sexual education does not become an incitement to debauchery. It is the most polemic component, the most developed. In fact, within the Moroccan non-secularized society, where the place of Islam remains preponderant to the level of the norm, sexual education is a resisted notion so long as it is defined as legitimizing extra-marital extra-heterosexual sexuality, and as proclaiming gender equality within the sexual domain (among others). Consequently, the notion is discussed in terms of its targets (age, sex…), its agents (parents/educators/public care officers), methods, language used and media support. Some public care officers confirm that sexual education cannot signify sexual liberty within an Islamic country, nor can it be except a theoretical knowledge of sexual anatomy, an incitement to early marriage, fidelity to the spouse and avoidance of “perversion” (such as homosexuality)[40]. In other words, sexual education should be a simple “Islamized” technique not aiming at transmitting values such as the right to sexual pleasure outside the boundaries of marriage or those of heterosexuality. Within this framework, integrative physicians think that there are only two methods for avoiding HIV, pre-marital abstinence and conjugal fidelity, which are “theoretically” in contradiction with the “policy” of the Ministry of Health, which promotes condoms as a means of prevention. To opt out of the dilemma, they reaffirm that the condom should be the last resort, as a stopgap.

The survey undertaken by the Ministry of Health attempted to identify the gaps of education on HIV-AIDS, in order to adopt a syndrome-related approach consisting of “treating the (HIV) patient immediately from all important casual agents”[41]. Thanks to this approach, the Ministry of Health favored the preventive sexual education of patients. The syndrome approach includes in fact a section aiming at educating the patient and reducing the risk of re-infection, promoting condoms, informing partners and guiding the HIV patient toward less risky sexual behavior. According to the Ministry of Health[42], three years, i.e., between 1997-2000 were required to generalize the syndrome approach and diffuse it within Morocco at large.

How does Moroccan youth learn to make love? What is the public source that informs them in this domain? [43]

Many youngsters recall having read nothing about eroticism. The weakness of reading is compensated by a huge consumption of international TV channels or movies in cinemas. According to CNJA[44], 70% of young city-dwellers fill their free time by watching TV. Through this medium, the young Moroccan exercises some kind of disengagement[45] with the taboos of the community. Moreover, the screen becomes the main channel of reception of international sexual culture for the young Moroccan.

The consumption of sex films is essentially centered in coffee-shops and cinemas, in public places, away from the sacrilege of the parental household. Coffee shops and cinemas are considered here not as places of socialization and cultural activities, but rather as profane places where borderlines vanish.

The age boundary is one of the abolished borderlines in those places. Seven-year-old boys attend pornographic films in the presence of adults, despite official ban. Children, adolescents and adults consume the same erotic scenes, thus putting an end to boundaries between the generations.

The sexual boundary seems better resisted. Coffee shops where one watches sex films are uniquely attended by men. Mixture finds here a limit not yet overcome. In fact, for young girls, watching sex films is something more difficult in public places such as coffee shops and cinemas. Furthermore, apart from the content of films, cinemas and coffee shops are more frequented by men[46]. Cinemas for girls would be places of moral perversion, and “going out to cinemas represents a clandestine exercise”[47]. All the more so, when a sex movie is concerned, the girl is further inhibited.

The consumption of sex movies does not signify the acquisition of cinematographic culture. Youngsters pay attention neither to the name of the director nor to main actors. They do not even recall the title of the film they watched and cannot summarize it. For them, what is important in those movies is that they constitute a visual introduction to the ways of making love. Objectively speaking, those films are a pedagogic tool through which boys learn “to kiss, make love, change sexual positions…”. Thanks to those films, they discover oral sex. Youngsters complain that nobody talks to them about such thinks in their surrounding or at school, and those films naturally respond to a need and fill an important gap in their education.

Young girls express also the same needs in terms of erotic education and “justify” their consumption of sex movies by the necessity of learning how to sexually behave with their husbands. Hence, the pedagogic function of those sex movies is also confirmed by girls who express their need of a pre-marital erotic culture.

However, we should highlight also that, against the silence of educational authorities regarding erotic knowledge and know-how, the virgins of the countryside are nowadays initiated into sexuality by prostitutes in order to teach them how to enjoy their marriage. With the complicity of their family or friends, prostitutes show them what to do with their husbands on the first marriage night[48].

To conclude, we can reaffirm that consumption of sex movies as well as prostitution constitute instruments of erotic education and fill a gap left by Moroccan educational institutions in this context. Mainly through the screen, the stranger becomes the initiating master and teacher of Young Moroccans as far as eroticism is concerned [49]. What is even more serious is that the silence of educational institutions on sexual pleasure makes their informative message on contraception and prevention more susceptible to be less heard and followed because the erotic needs of adolescents and youngsters in general are not taken into account. Official sexual education is still dominated by the only preoccupation of safeguarding public health and good morals. The adolescent is not yet perceived as an individual having a global expectation to sexual material, and even less as a citizen with sexual rights.

General Conclusion

Premature sexuality, the space-sexual fiddling, simultaneous multi-partnerships, adultery, the adaptation of sexuality to non-sexual ends such as male and female sexual work, rape, incest, artificial virginity, erection malfunctioning, spread of HIV, incidence of AIDS among bachelors and youngsters [50], involuntary pregnancy and abandonment of children, are some of the manifestation of sexuality in Morocco today [51]. This alarming situation is the result of an anomaly. It consists of the discrepancy between the ideal Islamic objective of subduing sexuality to marriage on the one hand, and de facto sexual liberalism, which is a response to political (sex as drugs) and economic (sex as a source of revenue and a stimulus to consumption) ends. In fact, the Moroccan citizen is the target of an ambiguous social message from the State, pertaining both to repressive Islam and practical laxity at the judiciary, media and sanitary levels [52]. In fact, while penal codes regarding sexual affairs are still marked by repressive Islamic ethics, they are surpassed by the overexposure of sexual consumption and extra-marital sexual practices. On the one hand, judiciary authorities are torn between sex as legitimate need in modern societies and the necessity for survival. And even if they decide to incriminate all extra-marital and extra-heterosexual relations, they cannot do so given the amplitude of this phenomenon. On the other hand, the free sale of contraceptives and condoms and the hidden practice of abortion and the stitching of the female sexual organ, objectively work towards “protecting” extra-marital sexuality, which is still experienced through the prisms of immorality, trade and male domination.

Consequently, the predominant sexual liberalism is very artificial. It remains superficial. It is lived savagely, illegitimately and in the absence of education, without the necessary sexual education that should have accompanied it. For example, contraceptive education for young girls and the promotion of condoms in terms of ethics are quite timid. At this level, ignorance is quite pervasive and the needs to know and know-how are important. We can legitimately ask why those needs are not appropriately responded to. Couldn’t the Islamic ideal of premarital abstinence lead decision-makers to close their eyes before the dramatic sexual life of young people? Is it the major obstacle that prevents the adoption of an explicit and rational sexual education policy?

In fact, since the mid-1960’s, a policy of sexual education has been adopted without the notion of sexual education being explicitly used. Different programs broaching contraception and AIDS were implemented. Hence, since 1966, contraceptive education has been launched within the framework of family planning to address married women at reproductive age. In the early 1980’s, education on population (EOP) was adopted by the school system to make adolescents sensitive to problems of reproduction, the environment, venereal diseases and AIDS. The Ministry of Islamic Affairs participated in this school program through Islamic education programs and female and family education.

During the 1990’s, contraceptive education campaigns have been devoted to HIV-AIDS problems. Here, the Ministry of Health and associations have exerted efforts to raise the awareness of the population, through TV, radio broadcast, the press and conferences. In this framework, the Moroccan Association for Combating AIDS (MACA) has especially aimed at the so-called high-risk groups, mainly prostitutes and homosexuals, groups that public authorities are ill-at-ease to recognize and deal with. Less inhibited by institutional constraints because it belongs to civil society, MACA was able to “put forth information projects addressing prostitutes and homosexuals in Casablanca and Rabat…”[53]. The Ministry of Health itself has begun to be explicitly interested in sexual education since 1997[54] and to perceive it as a fundamental preventive measure.

At the university level, A. Dialmy has publicly asserted in 1999, on the basis of his work on sexuality of youth [55] and social structures of HIV-Aids [56] (on behalf of the Ministry of Health), that “sexual education has become a public necessity in Morocco”[57].

At the level of civil society, the Moroccan Association for Family Planning (MAFP), created in 1971 with the aim of raising public awareness and offer family planning services, prohibited the right of the youth to information in its strategy 2000 and established a contraceptive education program regarding sexuality[58]. According to this association also, “youth sexuality is often circumstantial and utilizes only means of prevention such as condoms”[59]. It also rightly maintained that it “is one of the only organizations to broach the problem of sexual health of adolescents. Youth committees have been set up and they transmit their knowledge through youth associations and within national youth centers”[60].

Consequently, we can emphasize that sexual education has been acceptable in principle to institutional actors and civil society, and in a more explicit way from that time on[61]. Sexual education explicitly emerges as a social need, a public necessity and a factor of development. In 2001, the Ministry of Health adopted the notion of sexual education in its “National Strategic Plan to Combat AIDS”. However, it reaffirmed that, in order to establish programs on this subject, it was necessary to coordinate efforts with the National Ministry of Education and Ministry of Religious Endowments (Awqaf) and Islamic Affairs[62].

This search for coordination surpasses the institutional framework and refers to the necessity to strike a much larger consensus. In fact, given the dissatisfaction of adolescents, parents and feminists, different contraceptive education programs on PF/EOP/HIV-AIDS seem to have missed their objective. Adolescents have clearly affirmed that these programs totally overlook their need for an erotic education[63]. By contrast, parents are scandalized by these same programs that they deem responsible for “debauchery”[64] of their children and for growing sexual problems. As for feminists, they estimate that the preventive preoccupation has neglected the struggle against sexual discrimination and gender power relations, while the “gender” dimension is part of sexual protection and prevention[65].

In fact, the search for coordination and consensus shows that the notion of sexual education needs to be defined in a more explicit, clear and acceptable way in order to reach a coherent and integrated national sexual policy. Contraceptive education programs on PF-EOP-HIV-AIDS currently in force do not build upon a clear and acceptable definition of sexual education, a notion that they all use as a vehicle but without making it explicit or implementing it. These programs lack policy (due to the absence of a definition of the notion of sexual education), thus remaining in fact torn between two major references, socio-religious educational traditions on sexuality and the comprehensive definition of sexual education as stemming from the International Conference on Population and Development (held in Cairo in 1994). Faced with social and religious traditions, the action program on ICPD recommended a recognition of and respect of the right of the youth to a safe and satisfactory sexual activity, to information on sexuality, to sexual education and health.

The rift of programs between two “apparently” contradictory references imposes a way out of the blurry definition: what is exactly meant by sexual education in Morocco? Is it simply a question of transmitting knowledge concerning sexual organs and their function? Is it only meant to teach the youth erotic techniques to reach utmost pleasure? Is it an education aiming at the promotion of gender equality? Does it only focus on teaching the youth how to avoid HIV and involuntary pregnancy? Further than that, does it recognize sexuality as a human right independently of sex, matrimonial status and sexual orientation in such a way as to liberate the individual and provide him/her with necessary autonomy? Does sexual education aim at the transmission of pure knowledge, know-how or know-how-to-be? Understood in a comprehensive sense, sexual education is all this at once. It encompasses this content and all these objectives. However, Morocco, a Muslim country and patriarchal society, cannot accept to implement automatically this comprehensive definition of sexual education. It cannot, under the name of development, totally sever with religious and cultural heritage regarding sexuality. This heritage imposes certain restrictions and limits. Furthermore, in the face of the international comprehensive definition of sexual education, Morocco cannot but develop cultural resistance for fear of putting the social order in question, and of going too far. Resistance is well understood certainly (it reflects underdevelopment also), but it is dangerous since it does not allow for setting up partial and punctual non-integrated programs within a global sexual policy. In other words, there is an implicit reduction of sexual education to its technical aspects to avoid HIV and involuntary pregnancy. Not at any moment is sexual education adopted through the paradigm of sexual health as sexual blossoming and well-being of the individual. Silence reigns in what concerns the anatomy and physiology of pleasure.

Consequently, from now on, the major importance is to question all actors concerned with sexual education (adolescents, educators, institutional decision-makers and leaders of associations) on what they understand by sexual education. Which attitude do they adopt regarding sexual education? Is their attitude warm and permissive? Is it by contrast restrictive and hostile? How do they combine between those two dualities, warmth/hostility and permissiveness/ restriction? What do they keep out of sexual education as it was expressed in religious and cultural traditions? What do they hold out of the comprehensive “internationalist” definition of sexual education? What do they choose as the most useful to individual and social sexual development (warm attitude) and as mostly conforming to socio-religious traditions (restrictive attitude)? What are the meeting points and those of divergence between different actors? How do all those actors define the objectives, content, stages and methods of sexual education? Is it possible to reach a minimum consensus at different levels of the question? In one word, what is the maximum level of conciliation that we can obtain between traditional and comprehensive definitions of sexual education in order to reach consensual definition? It is probably this consensual definition that would allow decision-makers to draw up a global and integrated national sexual policy. It is also this sexual policy that would re-define and bestow meaning and efficiency on contraceptive education programs regarding PF/EOP/HIV/AIDS. It is also probable that a definition of sexual education acceptable to the majority can be reached as well. However, it is less probable that a policy of sexual education would be founded on this definition, given the fact that at the political level, democracy in Morocco is not based on the majority, but on a pretended consensus in the absence of a majority.

[1] A.V. Gennep: The Rites of Passage. Paris, Emile Noury, 1909.

[2] C. Bonnet: “Reflections on the Influence of the Traditional Family Milieu on the Personality Structure in Morocco” Infantile Neuro-Psychiatric Review, no10-11, 1970.

[3] The absence of a “gay” Moroccan community does not imply the absence of homosexuality, but it means only that it is incapable of assuming itself as such. Prostitution, which constitutes the more visible façade of homosexuality in Morocco, remains the channel through which homosexuality is expressed while being condemned as illegal. This self-rejection of Moroccan homosexuals is an indication of the resistance of masculine identity and to putting oneself into question. However, this questioning is quite necessary for the participation of men in the emancipation of women.

[4] Gender and Development: Socio-demographic and Cultural Aspects of Sexual Differentiation, CERED, Rabat, 1998, p.38.

[5] We quote this distinction tough man/ delicate man from Elisabeth Badinter in her book XY, of Masculine Identity, Paris, Odile Jacob, 1992.

[6] E. Demenghem, M. Al Fassi, Fassi Tales, Paris, Ed, Rieder, 1926.

[7] A. Dialmy, Sufi Feminism: Fassi Tales and Sexual Initiation, Casablanca, Africa-Orient, 1991.

[8] Quoted by Mehdi Al Ouazzani in Minor Nawazil, see on this subject A. Dialmy: Al Maarifa wa la Jins (Knowledge and Sexuality), Casablanca, Ouyoune al Maqalat, 1987, p.71.

[9] A. Ibn Ardun, Us of marriage, living together of spouses and education of children, Lithography, no 5226, Library of Qaraouiyine, Fès. Some extracts have been translated by P. Paquignon under the title of “Ibn Ardun Treatise on Marriage and Education”, Muslim World Review, Year 5, July-August 1912, no 7-8. However, the highlighted passages concerning sexuality that we have quoted here have not been translated by Paquignon. We have published them in our book Al Maarifa wa la Jins, op. cit.

[10] A. Khatibi: Injury of the Proper Name, Paris, Gonthier-Denoel, 1974, p.133.

[11] A. Belghiti: The Book of Pleasure of Hearing Through the Words of Love-making, Fez, 1944.

[12] A. Khatibi: Injury of the Proper Name, op. cit. Pl37.

[13] R. Mathieu and R. Manneville: Traditional Muslim Midwives of Casablanca, Paris, 1951, p.6.

[14] M. Decrop: “How To Understand Sexual Education of Muslim Moroccans” op. cit., pl1060.

[15] Interviewed within the framework of the study on Male Identity and Reproductive Health in Morocco, op. cit.

[16] A. Dialmy and L. Manhart: MST in Morocco, Social Structure and Therapeutic Behavior” Ministry of Health/ USAID, Temara Printing House, 1997, and A. Dialmy, Youth, AIDS and Islam in Morocco op. cit.

[17] A. Dialmy, Accommodation, Sexuality and Islam, Casablanca, Eddif, 1995.

[18] F. Sanagustin, “Nosography and Popular Tradition”, Health, Medicine and Society in the Arab World (s.d. E. Longuenesse), Paris, L’Harmattan, Maison de L’Orient Mediterraneen, 1995, p.46.

[19] In the year 2000, 15% of Moroccans only benefited from medical insurance.

[20] E. Laoust, Berber Words and Other Things, Paris, Augustin Challamel, 1920, re-edited by SMER, Rabat, 1983.

[21] L. Arnaud, “How Moroccan Treated their Venereal Diseases in the Past?”, Maroc Medical, no306, 1950, p.1061.

[22] D. Rivet, “Colonial Hygienic Practices and Medical Care Within Moroccan Society”, Health, Medicine and Society in the Arab World (s. d. E. Longuenesse) Paris, L’Harmattan/ Maison de l’Orient Mediterraneen, 1995, p.127.

[23] Ibid. p.113.

[24] M. Decrop, “How to Understand Sexual Education of Moroccan Muslims”, Maroc Medical, no306, 1950, p. 1058-1060.

[25] Abou-Ouakil and M. Zarrouf, A study undertaken by EXPERDATA for MSP, 1988, p.7.

[26]Education on Population: A Contemporary Perspective, Educational Studies and Documents, Paris, UNESCO, no28, 1980.

[27] A. Bekkali, “Discourse on Population and the Program of Education…”, Maghrebi Symposium on contraceptive education targeting the population” MEN/ FNUAP, 1997, P.24, Arabic part.

[28]Z. Chraibi, “The Notions of Population within Programs of the Second Cycle of Fundamental Education” Maghrebi Symposium on Education on Population, op. cit., p.44, Arabic part.

[29] Ministry of National Education, Pedagogic Programs and Orientations for Teaching Family Education within the Second Cycle of Fundamental Education, 1996, p.3

[30] Ministry of National Education, Feminine Education, Casablanca, Dar At-Taqafa, 1993, in Arabic.

[31] Natural Science Program in Secondary Education (in Arabic). Ministry of National Education, Rabat, 1996, p.27.

.

[32] M. Fettouhi, A. Ait Lkhiari et al, The Influence of School on the Environment (in Arabic), Ministry of National Education, General Department of Educational Questions, 1996, pp.45-91.

[33] Activities of the Central Service of Education for Health on the domain of education on population, MSP/ Central Service of Education for Health, Rabat, 1989, passim.

.

[34] Analysis Report of the Program of Implementation of the Strategy, Kingdom of Morocco, FNUAP, Casablanca, Le Fennec, 1997, p.35.

.

[35] Evaluation of the National Program of Combating HIV-AIDS, Evalua/HP/J. 16-07-1997.

.

[36] National Program for Combating HIV-AIDS.MSP, DELM/DMT, HIV-AIDS Services, (Historiq/TWC/K), 10 March 1997.

.

[37] Analysis Report on the Program of Implementation of the Strategy, op. cit., p.31.

[38] INFOAIDS, MOROCCO, no 4, 31 March 1993

.

[39] A. Dialmy, The Educational Responsibility of venereal disease carriers in public health within Morocco, MSP/ European Union, 1997.

.

[40] Ibid. p.39.

[41] Ibid. p.6

.

[42] Regional Workshop on Sociocultural Approach in Prevention of HIV-AIDS, UNAIDS/WHO/UNESCO/FNUAP, Fez, 2001.

.

[43] All the data concerning sources of erotic education are drawn from our book, Youth, AIDS and Islam in Morocco, op. cit.

National Survey on the Youth, 1993. Socio-Cultural Activities of Youth, CNJA, Rabat, 1994, p.4.

[44] National Survey on the Youth, 1993. Socio-Cultural Activities of Youth, CNJA, Rabat, 1994, p.4.

[45] M. Bennani –Chraibi, Submission and Rebellion, Youth in Morocco, Casablanca, Le Fennec, 1996, pp.36-43

[46] D. Jaidi, The Public and Cinemas in Morocco, Rabat, Al Majal, 1992.

[47] M. Mellakh, High-School Students and Socialization in Morocco, Ph. D. Thesis in Sociology, University Aix-Marseille I, 1997, p.228.

[48] A. Dialmy, Masculine Identity and Reproductive Health in Morocco, op. cit.

[49] H. Davis, “Moroccan Females and the Heat of Saint-Tropez” Cahiers de L’Orient, no20, 1990, pp.197-98.

[50] The percentage of bachelors surviving with VIH is on the ascendancy. In fact, between 1986 and 1997, 20% only of persons surviving with VIH were bachelors. However, this percentage reached 39% in June 2001. Since that time, bachelors are more affected than married persons (36%). Similarly, 25.4% of AIDS patients are young, aging between 20 and 29 years. Epidemiological Analysis of Cumulative AIDS Cases Registered on 30 June 2001, Ministry of Health, DELM/DMT, HIV-AIDS Service (Title /hp/k).

[51] A. Dialmy: Youth, AIDS and Islam, Casablanca, Eddif, 2000.

[52] A. Dialmy, Sexuality and politics in Morocco, FNUAP, 2000.

[53] L. Imane: Prevention of Proximity to Male Prostitutes in Morocco, MACA, Casablanca, 1995, p.1.

[54] A. Dialmy: Taking Charge of HIV patients in Public Health Educational Programs in Morocco. Ministry of Health/ European Union, 1997.

[55] A. Dialmy: Youth, AIDS and Islam. MEAwards, 1997 (Casablanca, Eddif, 2000).

[56] A. Dialmy and Lisa Manhart: MST in Morocco. Social Construction and Therapeutic Behavior, Ministry of Health/ USAID/ University of Washington, Rabat, Temara Publishing House, 1997.

[57] A. Dialmy: “Sexual Education, a Public Necessity”, Interview with Al Ahdath Al Maghribiya, 6-7 March 1999 (in Arabic).

[58] Member of the International Planned Parenthood Federation

[59] The Theoretical Framework of Strategy 2000, MAFP, Special issue, (on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the constitution of MAFP), p.11, in Arabic.

[60] Analysis Report of the Program of Strategy Elaboration, op. cit. P.32.

[61] A. Dialmy: Male Identity and Reproductive Health in Morocco, LCPS/MERC and Ministry of Health/ USAID, 2000.

[62] National Strategic Plan to Combat AIDS, Ministry of Health, presented by Morocco to the United Nations General Assembly on VIH-AIDS (New York 25-27 June 2001), pp.18-21.

[63] A. Dialmy, Youth, AIDS and Islam in Morocco, op. cit.

[64] Masculine Identity and Reproductive Health in Morocco, LCPS/MERC and MinHIVry of Health/USAID, 2000.

[65] Project of “National Plan of Women Integration with Development”, State Secretariat for Women…2000.

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